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The New Beast Of Big Labor
The New Beast Of Big Labor
By INVESTOR'S BUSINESS DAILY | Posted Monday, December 08, 2008 4:20 PM PT Transition: Barack Obama's election has Big Labor strutting with confidence. But what union bosses such as Andy Stern want should give any president pause. Can Obama stand up to them? The Service Employees International Union chief isn't even trying to hide his sense of power anymore, so confident is he that unions have Democrats in their back pocket. Stern: Expecting a return for the union's $85 million "investment." With the dominance of Democrats in the last election, and unions calling it their own victory, the SEIU president told the Wall Street Journal over the weekend that if the power of persuasion doesn't get Big Labor's demands through in Washington, then Big Labor will use "the persuasion of power." But whether Obama should define his presidency by labor's agenda is another matter. As a representative of the entire country and not just unions, the president-elect could find himself at odds with unions' uncompromising agenda as the country faces economic reality, and may have to decide if he wants to stand up to them. Stern, one of the most powerful Democrats in Washington, is no traditional union boss, but a curious corporate radical who's repeatedly in trouble with other union bosses. In 2005, the Wharton-educated Stern broke with his AFL-CIO brothers and formed the Change To Win coalition, taking nearly half the confederation's members and resources to advance his agenda through a political insurgency. Like the misplaced CEO he resembles, he says he demands "accountability" and nothing but total victory. Stern viewed other unions, who compromised with politicians, as sellouts, and instead forged new alliances with radical political forces such as MoveOn.org and billionaire George Soros. The result has been to drive labor leftward. On his blog, Stern warned on June 5 that SEIU will "dedicate 50% of our staff and resources to passing priorities for working families like the Employee Free Choice Act and health care for all." Over the election cycle, the SEIU contributed $16.5 million to get Obama elected, and $85 million for the election in general, part of the $450 million all unions gave to get Democrats elected. Election over and paid for, he seeks to increase union membership, which not coincidentally will keep up union money muscle. Stern demands passage of the Employee Free Choice Act, a Congressional move to strip workers of the right to a secret ballot in union formation, and replace it with signature on a union organizer's card, a change that will subject workers to coercion. He also strongly supports nationalized health care and told the Journal he wouldn't mind higher joblessness so long as he could force the U.S. to resemble Europe where there is less income disparity in the name of "equality." Stern vows to rain perdition on anyone who crosses this plan. He claims to have a $10 million union fund to "unelect" congressmen who don't go along with him. The agenda is so single-minded that he even let the cat out of the bag about union opposition to a Colombia free trade pact, admitting it was a bargaining chip for passage of card check and not the pious human rights matter union minions tell the media. Stern's plans call into question whether the union agenda really is the same as the national agenda and whether a swaggering special interest group really deserves the right to remake society on its own terms. Card check and nationalized health care are bound to do exactly what Stern says they will turn America into the uncompetitive place Europe has become where purchasing power is falling. Should $450 million taken from the pockets of SEIU's janitors and maids and other union members, many of whom are not even citizens, really be worth that much political return? Should U.S. foreign policy be held hostage to a union that will use even national security as a bargaining chip? Something out there suggests the union agenda is a thin reed on which to base a presidential legacy. If labor trashes the economy, it also might not endure a new election. If Obama cares at all about being a good president for everyone, he might need to stand up to union muscle. We hope he does. http://www.ibdeditorials.com/IBDArti...13632309443274
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The Senate Goes Wobbly on Card Check
It's hard to defend taking away the secret ballot.
more in Opinion » Responsibility has a way of focusing the mind. Take Mark Pryor, Democratic senator from Arkansas. In 2007, Mr. Pryor voted to move card check, Big Labor's No. 1 priority. And why not? Mr. Pryor knew the GOP would block the bill, which gets rid of secret ballots in union elections. Besides, his support helped guarantee labor wouldn't field a challenger to him in the primary. Postelection, Mr. Pryor isn't so committed. He's indicated he wouldn't co-sponsor the legislation again. He says he'd like to find common ground between labor and business. He is telling people the bill isn't on a Senate fast-track, anyway. His business community, which has nimbly whipped up anti-card-check sentiment across his right-to-work state, is getting a more polite hearing. It hasn't been much noticed, but the political ground is already shifting under Big Labor's card-check initiative. The unions poured unprecedented money and manpower into getting Democrats elected; their payoff was supposed to be a bill that would allow them to intimidate more workers into joining unions. The conventional wisdom was that Barack Obama and an unfettered Democratic majority would write that check, lickety-split. Instead, union leaders now say they are being told card check won't happen soon. It seems the Obama team plans to devote its opening months to important issues, like the economy, and has no intention of jumping straight into the mother of all labor brawls. It also seems Majority Leader Harry Reid, even with his new numbers, might not have what it takes to overcome a filibuster. It's a case study in how quickly a political landscape can change, and how frequently the conventional wisdom is wrong. Paradoxically, it's Mr. Reid's bigger majority that is now hurting him. In 2007, he got every Democrat (save South Dakota's Tim Johnson, who was out sick) to vote for cloture. But it was an easy vote. Democrats like Mr. Pryor knew the GOP held the filibuster, and that Mr. Bush stood ready with a veto. Now that Mr. Reid has 58 seats, red-state Democrats in particular are worried they might actually have to pass this turkey, infuriating voters and businesses back home. Mr. Pryor isn't alone. Fellow Arkansas Democrat Blanche Lincoln voted for cloture in 2007 but is now messaging Mr. Reid that she's not eager for a repeat. She recently said she doesn't think "there is a need for this legislation right now," that the country has bigger problems. What she didn't mention is that she is also up for re-election next year, and that one potential GOP challenger, Tim Griffin, is already vowing to make card check an issue. South Dakota's Tim Johnson, Nebraska's Ben Nelson and others face similar pressure. And it seems unlikely new Senate arrivals such as Colorado's Mark Udall are eager to make card check an opening vote, especially with visions of United Auto Worker bailouts fresh in voter minds. Republican "moderates" aren't eager for card check either. If this were a minimum-wage vote, Maine's Susan Collins, for example, would be lining up. But polls show more than 80% of Americans disagree with eliminating union ballots. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell has bolstered opposition by turning card check into a litmus test of Mr. Obama's promise to work with the other side. Even Pennsylvania's Arlen Specter, the lone GOP vote for card check in 2007, is backpedaling, worried about a 2010 primary challenge. Credit for this new environment goes to a business community that has been uncharacteristically unified in a sweeping campaign against the bill. U.S. Chamber of Commerce General Counsel Steven Law says the issue has even inspired his organization to change tactics. "In the past, unions would show up in force on the ground while the business community would send someone in a suit up to Capitol Hill. This time, we pushed hard at the grass-roots level and lit a fire under this issue." Those grass roots have targeted senators like Mr. Pryor and Mrs. Lincoln. Business also spent millions airing ads about card check during the presidential campaign, a prime time to educate voters. None of this is to suggest card check is dead, or that it might not yet be resurrected in the early days. If Al Franken pulls out a win in Minnesota, Mr. Reid might be inspired to use his 59 votes to forge ahead. Some House Democrats are also suggesting union intimidation would in fact "stimulate" the economy, and that the legislation ought to be attached to the upcoming spending package. Whatever the difficulties, it's hard to fathom how waiting helps Democrats. Mr. Obama will never be stronger than in his opening months, and he'll need muscle to strongarm reluctant party members to support such an unsupportable measure. The initial union strategy was to whip this through before Americans understood the debate, but in that they've already failed. The more time goes on, the more likely this issue turns into trench warfare. For the unions, that wouldn't just be a shot to the heart, but to the ego. Democrats may try to fob them off with less controversial legislation -- "fair pay" or more unionization of public safety officials -- but Big Labor feels it is owed much more. We may be about to discover just how patient, or forgiving, those union bosses are. Write to kim@wsj.com http://online.wsj.com/article/SB123085879658147927.html
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