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Old 04-05-2016, 04:16 PM
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Default Lawmakers: U.S. Should Take the Lead in Fighting Terrorism in Europe - U.S. News & Wo

Lawmakers: U.S. Should Take the Lead in Fighting Terrorism in Europe - U.S. News & World Report

04-05-2016 02:30 PM


U.S. News & World Report


Lawmakers: U.S. Should Take the Lead in Fighting Terrorism in Europe
U.S. News & World Report
It's in the interest of the United States to take a leadership role in combating terrorism in Europe so that the violence doesn't spread to America or jeopardize Americans abroad, senators and experts said at a Homeland Security Committee hearing Tuesday.
The age of hyper-terrorismNew Statesman

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Old 04-21-2016, 07:01 AM
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Post What Will It Take to Win the 'War on Terror': The Missing Factor

RE: http://www.clarionproject.org/blog/u...FZSCaQod0AgEnw

What Will It Take to Win the 'War on Terror': The Missing Factor
Our 'strategy' (and I use the term very loosely indeed), which has relied predominantly on kinetic military confrontations, simply isn't working.

BY DR. TAWFIK HAMID
February 8th, 2015


This is an older article but you should read it -

The recent burning of the Jordanian pilot is further evidence that Western measures to counter radical Islam since 9/11 have failed spectacularly. The U.S. and other free countries have spent trillions of dollars in the so-called "War on Terror." a futile attempt thus far to end or at least contain Islamic terrorism.

Our "strategy" (and I use the term very loosely indeed), which has relied predominantly on kinetic military confrontations, simply isn't working. The Western response to the problem has neither prevented the Taliban from regaining significant power in Afghanistan nor has it prevented the Islamic State (ISIS) from conducting barbaric terror acts in different parts of the world.

The beheading of the Japanese journalist, the recent killing of Charlie Hebdo journalists in downtown Paris, and too many other outrages are a continual reminder of our extraordinary ineffectiveness.

History teaches us that wars only end when one side of the combatant groups is forced to surrender. History also teaches us that to force surrender generally requires a powerful deterrent. For example, World War II continued for years before the Allies forced first the Nazis, and then the emperor of Japan, to capitulate.

The deterrent in each case was the unambiguous threat that failure to submit would result inexorably in the utter erasure of the defeated nation from the face of the earth. Similarly, during the Cold War, the deterrent-known as the MAD Doctrine (Mutually Assured Destruction) sufficed to prevent both the U.S. and the Russians from using nuclear weapons. Both sides wanted to live.

Our failure in fighting radical Islamists so far is fundamentally due to our failure to create a sufficient deterrent (or negative reinforcement tactic) that will sway the Islamic radicals from practicing their barbarism and from conducting future attacks.

Unlike the emperor of Japan and the Nazi leadership in WWII and unlike the Americans and Russians during the Cold War, Islamic radicals want to die!

Death for Allah is their ultimate goal. In other words, threatening to kill them too often works as a positive rather than a negative reinforcement factor.

The recent declaration that Jordan will execute failed suicide bomber Sajida Al-Rishawi "within hours" as revenge for the ISIS killing of hostage pilot Moath al-Kasasbeh is important but is not a sufficient deterrent.

She had intended to die a martyr. She failed. And now Jordan is snatching defeat from the jaws of victory by handing her a triumphal martyrdom. In the view of Islamic radicals, she will inherit paradise forever. We really need to rethink our approach.

The situation for the Islamic radicals is a win-win-win. If they are killed they will be martyrs who will live in paradise with the prophet Mohammed (as they strongly believe); if they achieve earthly victory, they will be able to impose their barbaric ideology on the rest of us; and if they are caught by the Infidels (the non-Muslim world, esp. the West) they will be treated humanely and will find Human Rights activists defending their rights.

Denouncing the attacks, demonstrating against terrorism, refusing to call radical Islam by its name, and making statements like, "We will bring them to justice" just make the radicals topple over with laughter. Similarly, the U.S. president's recent statement (during his comments on the burning of the Jordanian soldier) that the U.S. will redouble the vigilance and determination to defeat ISIS has zero impact on the Islamists, who are well aware that redoubling the wrong approach will not suddenly bring results.

The use of military power is certainly needed; however, the lack of an effective deterrent guarantees the failure of such a one-dimensional approach.

The sad reality is that the Western responses to the problem (which have relied largely on incorrect assumptions, unrealistic perceptions and vain imaginations) have served in many situations as positive reinforcement for Islamic terrorism over the last 10 years.

One such response -- the U.S. delay in giving the Egyptian army the Apache helicopters needed to fight the radicals in the Sinai Peninsula – has been a great boon to Islamic radicals. Many of the leaders of ISIS got their training in Sinai before travelling to wreak havoc in Iraq and Syria.

Additionally, attempts in certain U.S. circles to punish the CIA officials who conducted waterboarding to gain information from the terrorists has only encouraged Islamic radicals to continue their war against our civilization.

Despite the fact that death is not a deterrent for Islamic radicals, there are certain deterrents that can bring them to their knees and end or significantly diminish their barbarism.

Such deterrents need to form the basis of an effective psychological operation (PSYOP) strategy to utterly defeat the Islamic radicals. This war needs to end. The fact that these deterrents have not been used is likely due to ignorance that they even exist.

Western "experts" on Islamic terrorism can only recommend solutions that they themselves can understand. Unfortunately, these "experts" seem to have very little insight into the minds of the Islamic radicals, and even less understanding of how the radical mindset can be undermined, manipulated and controlled.

A proper PSYOP strategy with correct tactical implementation would not only deter the terrorists from conducting more atrocities, but would also significantly diminish the attraction of radicalism in the minds of young Muslims.

We have both the technology and the capability to engage in highly effective PSYOPS. But our inability (or maybe unwillingness) to use really effective content is giving the radicals the upper hand in this war.

Reformation and education are vital components for a long-term solution to the problem of Islamic radicalism. These components, however, will have minimal effect on those who are already radicalized. The only thing that can affect (and defeat) those who are already radicalized or those who are flirting with radicalism is the use of a truly powerful deterrent. Such deterrent(s) do exist, but they are far beyond the imagination of Western minds.

Note: I must unfortunately refrain from disclosing the nature of these deterrents in this article as the details of such tactics must not be publicized (as this may lessen their effectiveness).




Dr. Tawfik Hamid is an Islamic thinker and reformer, and one-time Islamic extremist from Egypt. He was a member of a terrorist Islamic organization JI with Dr. Ayman Al-Zawaherri who became later on the second in command of Al-Qaeda. Hamid recognized the threat of radical Islam and the need for a reformation based upon modern peaceful interpretations of classical Islamic core texts. Dr. Hamid is currently a Senior Fellow and Chair of the study of Islamic Radicalism at the Potomac Institute for Policy Studies.
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O Almighty Lord God, who neither slumberest nor sleepest; Protect and assist, we beseech thee, all those who at home or abroad, by land, by sea, or in the air, are serving this country, that they, being armed with thy defence, may be preserved evermore in all perils; and being filled with wisdom and girded with strength, may do their duty to thy honour and glory; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

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Old 04-21-2016, 07:04 AM
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Post What makes a terrorist?

RE: http://www.theguardian.com/world/201...malia-research

I've often wonder what makes a terrorist?

With Islamic extremism dominating the headlines, new research in Kenya and Somalia investigates how and why people become radicalised. Simon Allison reports

Armed al-Shabaab fighters in Somalia. AP Photograph: AP
Simon Allison for the Institute of Security Studies
Friday 26 September 2014 09.50 EDT Last modified on Wednesday 28 October 2015 06.19 EDT
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Given the extent to which it dominates global news and politics, it is remarkable how little we know about the men – and, very occasionally, women – behind Islamist extremism. How are people drawn into such radical politics? What type of person becomes a terrorist? What is it that forces radicals out of day-to-day politics and into the extreme and often violent margins of society?

There are theories, of course. Is it something inherent in Islam? Or maybe it’s a function of widespread poverty, neglect and discrimination? Or simply that human nature dictates that some people will want to overturn the status quo.

But these are guesses, which aren’t very helpful when it comes to combating this problem. To discourage radicalisation we need a proper answer to the question of why and how people are radicalised.

Anneli Botha, a senior researcher on terrorism at the Institute for Security Studies, asked members of radical groups themselves.

She focused her research on Kenya and Somalia, her areas of expertise. The results for Somalia will soon be published, but her paper on radical groups operating in Kenya – specifically al-Shabaab and the Mombasa Republican Council (MRC) – was released earlier this month.

Although al-Shabaab has its roots in Somalia, it has been active in Kenya for several years and has masterminded a number of terrorist attacks (including the spectacular attack on Nairobi’s Westgate mall in September 2013). It is an Islamist extremist group that seeks principally to create an Islamic state in Somalia, although its ambitions and operations don’t stop at the Somali border. Kenya has also been a prime recruiting ground for new members, some of whom went to fight in Somalia, while others were used to execute attacks at home.

The MRC, although often associated with al-Shabaab, is a distinct organisation with a very different agenda. It advocates for the secession of Kenya’s coastal areas, and emphasises land grievances and economic political marginalisation. It is a predominantly, but not exclusively, Muslim organisation.

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Through researchers associated with the Kenya Muslim Youth Alliance and others, 95 interviews were conducted with individuals associated with al-Shabaab, as well as 16 relatives of al-Shabaab members and 45 individuals associated with the MRC, as well as five relatives of MRC members. All the respondents were Kenyan and Somali-Kenyan nationals who had grown up in Kenya and who had been radicalised there. Most of them (96%) were male. From these interviews, Botha was able to observe patterns around their education, family background, religion and ethnicity as well as interrogate their motivations for joining and staying with radical groups.

There is no such thing as a typical extremist, however, it is possible to observe certain trends from the data.

Almost all respondents grew up in a male-dominated household. Even when the father had passed away, usually a male relative stepped in to assume the patriarchal role. Over 70% of all respondents experienced corporal punishment at home, although most said that this wasn’t too severe. Unexpectedly, around 60% of all respondents were middle children. “Middle children are known to experience the greatest sense of ‘not belonging’,” said Botha, explaining that this makes them especially vulnerable to close-knit radical groups, which can fill this void.

All respondents went to school of some description, most to Kenyan public schools. This in itself is interesting, because these students would have had contact with and friends from other religious and ethnic groups. Some 67% of MRC respondents only attended primary school, compared to 47% of al-Shabaab respondents – generally, al-Shabaab respondents are slightly better educated. But few go on to tertiary education. Just one respondent held a university degree (in medicine).

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This relative lack of education manifests itself in the job market. About half of all respondents were unemployed when they joined al-Shabaab or MRC, and if they were employed it was likely in a low-skilled, low-income job such as a petrol attendant, labourer or fisherman. “It is important to note that, with the exception of a few, the majority of respondents did not have the necessary education to secure better employment,” said Botha.

This is not to say that poverty or a lack of income is necessarily a driving factor of radicalisation. It’s more subtle than that otherwise there would be extremist groups in every poor nation. “It is when access [to public resources] is based on ethnic, cultural or even religious differences between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have-nots’ that economic conditions can possibly contribute to radicalisation and instability,” Botha explained.

This was mostly true for MRC respondents, 28% of whom said that a combination of ethnic and economic factors, or religious and economic factors, were the most important reasons for joining the organisation. (Some 25% had said purely ethnic reasons, while 21% said purely political reasons.)

The results were very different for al-Shabaab respondents, 87% of whom identified religion as their main motivation for joining up. Al-Shabaab is, after all, an explicitly religious organisation.

But even for al-Shabaab respondents, religion wasn’t the tipping point: it was not the catalyst that finally made them abandon mainstream politics. “When asked to clarify [what] finally pushed them over the edge, the majority of both al-Shabaab and MRC respondents referred to injustices at the hands of Kenyan security forces, specifically referring to ‘collective punishment’,” said Botha.

Respondents complained that “all Muslims are treated as terrorists” and that “government and security forces hate Islam”. Some pointed to more specific examples, such as the assassination of Muslim clerics, or even particular incidents, such as an alleged assault by Kenyan police on a group of Muslims.

It is this last point that is most relevant for policymakers who are looking to contain the threat of extremism in Kenya. Simply put, a counter-terrorism strategy that relies on mass arrests, racial profiling and extrajudicial killings is counter-productive. These tactics have radicalised dozens, if not hundreds, of individuals, argues Botha, “ensuring a new wave of radicalism and collective resolve among their members, ultimately indicating that threats of violence or imprisonment are rarely effective deterrents.”

Botha’s research gives unprecedented insight into the background and motivations of the people who make up extremist organisations in Kenya. This is what a Kenyan radical looks like. Now it is up to Kenya’s policymakers to tailor their responses accordingly.
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O Almighty Lord God, who neither slumberest nor sleepest; Protect and assist, we beseech thee, all those who at home or abroad, by land, by sea, or in the air, are serving this country, that they, being armed with thy defence, may be preserved evermore in all perils; and being filled with wisdom and girded with strength, may do their duty to thy honour and glory; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

"IN GOD WE TRUST"
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Old 04-21-2016, 07:09 AM
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Post How to Convert a Terrorist in Three Grades or Less

RE: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jeffre...b_9094948.html

So the Army of Jhangvi started to target her people. Bombs went off in markets where people who looked like her shopped. The government, like her uncles, did nothing, while many of her people were destroyed.

Again, she decided to take matters into her own hands. As she couldn’t get to those who killed her people—infuriatingly, they attacked and then disappeared— the best she could do was terrorize people like them. They belong to an ethnic group called Pashtun, so she decided she would terrorize any Pashtuns she could find.

She plotted to stone a teacher in the middle of a big field so people could see his mutilated body, but her plot was interrupted. She had Pashtun neighbors who adored her for her wit, so she turned it on them and made fun of them mercilessly, then went searching her house for a gun.

She dreamt of joining the Taliban, maybe al-Qaeda, of earning their trust, and then turning on them. Bombs went off in front of her, and she saw strangers her age ripped apart. Then her best friend was killed by a bent piece of metal flying from an explosion. She learned that the way you influenced other people and protected your own was by sending shrapnel through civilians.

She was wild with violence. She was extraordinarily smart. She did not have access to very good schools as a refugee, but she had drive. The uncles who watched TV all day decided she needed to get out of this place. They would send her “home,” to Afghanistan, where she was from, but where she’d never been. They heard of a school there, which had sprung up in the unlikeliest of places, a desert slum in the capitol. Perhaps it would let her in.

*

It was called Marefat, and at Marefat, some magic happened. In class, students talked back. It wasn’t about memorizing data and reciting it to the teacher. Obedience was rejected. Reverence was rejected. There was a student parliament so kids could practice being democrats, and one day every semester the teachers had to stand up to the criticisms of the student body. No one could tell anyone else what to do or believe unless they could explain why.

The headmaster recognized this student from the thousands of others. He saw the violence in her eyes. He noticed the particular way she channeled tragedy. He’d done it too. He’d been a holy warrior, he’d left school in fifth grade and became a child soldier. He’d seen massacres and felt the same rage claw at his brain that he could see was clawing at hers. But in this school he had built, she was given a place where the rage could come out in essays and rhetoric, in plays and in paintings of massacres

2016-01-28-1454008227-4880241-2nd1.jpg

There was a library with books about all the things she wanted to know, in all the languages she wanted to learn. There were many outlets for expression: a radio station, a photography program, an art class. A gallery where students displayed and even sold their work, a million things to do, a million ways to be productive, to forestall the sense of futility a girl, a minority, a person without much opportunity was always on the verge of feeling—that sense that the only way to change your environment was to destroy a part of it. Here, even a girl, even a refugee, could see her impact on the world.

She seethed still, but the temperature in her dropped. Meena decided she wanted to be a doctor. So she could help people hurt by bombs. And, occasionally, poison people who annoyed her.

***

Now she knows she’s smart. She knows, from classmates, that girls can go to good schools, get scholarships to foreign countries, get good jobs. That some people welcome her crazy ideas, don’t mind helping her express them in essays and poems instead of telling her to help her mom in the kitchen. At Marefat she’s seen proof that oppressed people can win things for themselves without weapons.

But around her the country is threatening to collapse back into the era when violence was normal, a thing you walked passed on the way to work like a familiar storefront. She’s distracted; her people are getting massacred again. American troops are mostly gone, a few thousand of them remain but they’re busy training the local army and occasionally going out on counterterrorism operations. They’re not protecting people like Meena, her classmates, and the headmaster of her school. Now ISIS is in Afghanistan. And the Taliban has re-taken entire cities. Class size is shrinking because her classmates are disappearing, crossing borders to flee rising violence, pushed away by a shriveling economy.

2016-01-28-1454007578-2243005-imageedit_1_4234903603.jpg

At Marefat, the headmaster keeps going, holding demonstrations so his people can speak out about the violence happening to them, and so that they might demonstrate to themselves that nonviolence can still be an option.

But he is barely holding on. And the girl in his halls who aspired to be a terrorist is too.

Follow Jeffrey E. Stern on Twitter: www.twitter.com/jeffreyestern
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O Almighty Lord God, who neither slumberest nor sleepest; Protect and assist, we beseech thee, all those who at home or abroad, by land, by sea, or in the air, are serving this country, that they, being armed with thy defence, may be preserved evermore in all perils; and being filled with wisdom and girded with strength, may do their duty to thy honour and glory; through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen.

"IN GOD WE TRUST"
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