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We arrived in Montreal, a large, populous and well-built town, pleasantly situated on the north bank of the St. Lawrence, near the foot of a mountain from which it derives its name. ....
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Spanish American "A regiment of the Second Brigade was jamming itself through the trail, and then came some of the Sixteenth Infantry's bandsmen. In battle, bandsmen followed a regiment and carried off the wounded. The band leader and the drum major were swearing earnestly. A soldier stumbled and dropped. His rifle fell from his hand. On the instant a bandsman darted forward, throwing his tenor horn into the brush. He grabbed the rifle and unbuckled the dead man's cartridge belt. It was this sort of thing that the drum major was swearing about - half the bandsmen had discarded their instruments and picked up rifles and cartridge belts. 'You hear me, pick up that goddamn horn! You hear me!' The bandsman paid no attention. 'You pick up that goddamn horn!' shrilled the drum major. ' An' that's an order!' The bandsman looked at him. 'Not by a goodamsite, Dan' he said. 'You think I'm agoin to get shot at an' not shoot back!' 'Goddam!' ejaculated the drum major. He darted at another bandsman, who was unbuckling a cartridge belt from a soldier who had been wounded - and who was helping him do it. The band had few instrumens left; but for every missing horn or fife there was a Krag rifle and a belt of cartridges. A fortnight later I saw some of those instruments; they had bullet holes in them, they were dented and battered and roughly straightened out."
Note: by Private Charles Johnson Post.  2806 Reads  Printer-friendly page



Spanish American Friday Jan. 1st 1897 Dear Sir, Some time ago, about Dec. 20th I wrote a letter to a friend of mind, Dr. Guitierez at Key West, in which I described our passage of the Trocha and Maceo's death, which I requested him, after reading, to forward to the "World", for publication, but I am afraid, the Spaniards have the letter, as I intrusted it to Lieut. Col. Pacio to forward, and his fate just now is unknown. I will therefore write about it once more. On December. 4th at 2 p.m. Gen. A. Maceo, accompanied by about 30 persons on his staff, assistants and a few cavalrymen commanded by Comandante Varios, left San Felipe at the foot of the Gobernador (a large conspicuous hill); and as my clothes had not come, although I had dispatched 2 messengers, the General told me to come without them. About 6 p.m. we got to the beach, between Cabanas and Mariel, where the boat was hidden in the woods; but there was a very strong northerly wind and very heavy sea, so as to make it very dangerous, if not impossible to launch the boat. We therefore picked the boat up on our shoulders, even the General taking hold several times, and carried it about a mile and a half across a neck of land, launching it inside the harbor of Mariel, not more than 2 miles outside the town, about 10 p.m. Gen. A. Maceo, Gen. Pedro Diaz, Panchito Gomez [son of major General Maximo Gomez (Daley)] and I were the first 4 to cross, with one guide and two boatmen. We landed after a passage of about 20-25 minutes at a little wharf near what I took to be some bathhouses, and all of us picking up a load, started a march of about 2½ miles, when we stopped at a deserted house. The guide went back, and shortly returned with the 2nd group, namely Brigadier General Miro, Col. Nordarse, Dr. Zertoucha, Com. Justis and Ramon Umaha. By 2 a.m. the rest, namely, Com. Piedra and Beaberes [don't know the correct spelling (Daley)], one captain and 5 assistants had joined us and we went about ½ mile further, to a safer point, where we waited for daylight. About 6 a.m. on the 5th we started on the march and about 7 a.m near La Merced, met Lieut. Vazquez and some of his men, who took us to a house, where we camped all day. Next day Dec. 6th we left about noon, mounted on the horses of Vazquez's men, as our horses had not come yet; met Lieut. Col. Baldomero Acosta with men and horses 2 p.m. and camped at Gara 4 p.m.-9 p.m. Then resumed the march and camped at Baracoa [Havana province (Daley)] at midnight. At 4 a.m. Dec. 7th resumed the march and met Brigadier Silverio Sanchez, encamped with about 300 men, at 8 a.m. at San Pedro. As we had not had much sleep and there was nothing to eat, most of us (the Grl. Staff) went to sleep and the General had his hammock put up as well. We naturally had all confidence in Brig. Sanchez, but he did not have any exploradores and when suddenly about 2 p.m. without any warning, heavy firing commenced at our advance guard, all was for a moment confusion. Not enough, to be without exploration, but the advance guard was so near the camp, that when the fire opened, the bullets entered and passed beyond the camp. Naturally we all mounted as quick as possible, and the General, Miro, Diaz, Nodarse, I and 3-4 more were riding in a group, when immediately outside the little wood, in which was the camp, we met our retreating and, at no great distance, saw the enemy advancing and firing en guerilla. The General gave his horse the spurs and drawing his machete, shouted to the retreating men "Atras! al machete!". The men and others who were all the time coming from the camp to the front, seemed electrified, and with enthusiastic shouts wheeled their horses and charged, while the enemy precipitately retreated about 200 yards where he took position behind a strong stonewall about 4 feet high and, even dismounting his cavalry, opened a terrific fire by volleys. The General at this moment told me to collect what men I could, and charge the enemy's right flank (on our left) while he himself charged on the left. I collected about 35-40 men, and seeing the stonewall not extended very far, also knowing it to be impossible for a small cavalry to take a wall like that from infantry by a direct charge, I went about 500 yards further to our left and then charged around the end of the wall. I broke their first line of fire, but was losing men fast, and when I fell wounded with 3 bullets, my men put me on another horse and retreated. As I went back, I saw the General [Antonio Maceo (Daley)], with small group, not more than 6-8, charging, away on our right, and it seemed but a moment, when all but 2 or 3 where on the ground. Commander Manuel Sanchez, was charging at the General's side, when a bullet entered the chin of Maceo, coming out at the back of the neck. The General fell forward on his horse's neck and Sanchez catching his arm exclaimed: "General, no soy cobarde!" Maceo could not speak, but gave him a terrible look and at this moment Sanchez received a bullet through his right leg which after traversing his horse also entered the stomach of the General. Maceo fell but a short distance from the stonewall and it seems it was impossible for our people to advance and get his body. Some of the Spaniards advanced and robbed both him and Panchito Gomez, but they never got their bodies as the fire of our men drove then back. Near dark about 5 p.m. the enemy retreated and our people then got the bodies. And I here wish to protest against the horrible custom of the Spanish to kill the wounded. They say Panchito Gomez committed suicide and I saw a picture in one of the Spanish papers, where he puts the revolver to his brain. But that are all lies. First and foremost he had no revolver; on Dec. 2nd before we crossed, we have a nice little fight near San Felipe, and Panchito was wounded in the left shoulder and also lost his revolver. Second he had no bullet wound in the head. He had besides his old wound in the shoulder, only one bullet wound in the left side of the stomach; but they found him alive with that by the side of the General and gave him a pinch (thrust) with the point of a sword in the right breast, a cut in the hollow of the left arm, and a horrible machetazo, that laid open the whole back of his head and left side of the neck. All of us who crossed with the General were wounded except Gen. Diaz and Zertucha and Com. Justis who was killed. I received a bullet in the right knee, one through the right arm and another in the left side, but the last 2 light wounds that are about well. The bullet in the knee is one of those confounded copper bullets that make a hole size of your thumb, and besides it hurts the bone. I believe you want to know also about some of the atrocities of the soldiers towards Pacificos, and I could write lots, that I have personally witnessed, but I refer you to Mr. George Bronson Rhea, who has a host of well authenticated instances at your disposal. Still if you wish for some more, let me know, and I will supply them. As for the talk of the papers and Grl. Weyler about his speedy pacification of the island do no believe a word of it. In Pinar del Rio are at least 6000 armed Cubans, besides 4-6000 more with machetes. They have a splendid General (Rius Rivera) there and at present plenty to eat. I was there sometime and never went hungry, besides had the satisfaction there, to see Weyler with 25,000 men unable to force our position for 5 days, when we had not more that 80 men. Of course everyone deplores the loss of Maceo, but I find nobody discouraged; on the contrary everybody, soldiers as well as leaders are strong in the determination, to fight till their island is free. They all have still great hopes of American intervention, but even without that, they will fight on, trusting to tire out Spain, and especially Spaniard finances. Let me know if you wish to know more. Yours, El Coronel Carlos Gordon
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World War I July 19th, 1916 Dear Mr. Lofft:- I have been notified that "The Men of South Perth," through you, have contributed $1000 dollars towards a Lewis Machine Gun for the use of this Battalion. This is a splendid and useful gift, and on behalf of the Officers, N. C. O's and men of the 71st Overseas Battalion I desire to heartily thank the Men of South Perth for thus helping to make this Battalion as efficient as possible for it's work at the Front. J. C. MASSIE, Lt.-Col., O. C. 71st Res. B'n., Can. Inf. Oxney Camp, Bordon, Hants, England July 19th, 1916
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Spanish American June 1898. 6. We broke camp at Island Lake and left at 11 o’clock A.M. for Camp Alger, Va. At noon we got coffee at Toledo Ohio. During the afternoon we passed through the oil fields in the northern part of the state. 7. I awoke just as the train came to the bridge which crosses the Ohio river at Port Pleasant, it was just breaking day. The river was a pleasant sight. During the day we crossed West Va. passing through 24 tunnels and crossing several streams. I was much pleased with the scenery while crossing the mountains. We got off the train at Hinton for setting up exercises. We arrived at Charlottesville just after dark. We were much amused with the negroes while there. I have seen more of them to-day than I ever saw in my life. 8. We passed by the suburbs of Washington at daybreak and reached Dun Loring at five o’clock A.M. We marched from Dun Loring to Camp Alger in the forenoon and after taking dinner with the 33rd Mich. we proceeded to clear a place to put up our tents. The trees and stumps were very thick but we succeeded in getting up our tents before dark. 9. We put up the mess tents and got material to sleep on. In the afternoon I went to the creek for a bath. 10. I helped clear up the batallion street in the forenoon. Went swimming in the afternoon and went out on dress parade in the evening. 11. Did police duty in the morning and washed my clothes in the afternoon, went on dress parade in the evening. 12. Worked in the mess tent today, got through with the morning work in time to go to church. 13. Went out for drill in the morning. Was vaccinated in the afternoon. 14. Worked in the mess tent today. Signed the payroll in the afternoon. 15. Drilled in the forenoon went to the creek in the afternoon, had dress parade. 16. Drilled in the forenoon, had signal drill in the forenoon and went on dress parade at night. 17. Did nothing to-day as our arms are sore and the 9 Mass. were celebrating the 123rd anniversary of the Battle of Bunker Hill. They had very nice fireworks in the evening. 18. Worked in the mess tent in the forenoon and was sick in the afternoon. 19. The regiment goes on a forced march to the Potomac river. I am not able to go. I remained at the camp and did nothing. 20. I was awakened by Lieut. Broadhead at 1 o’clock A.M. to take Johnson’s place as he had neglected his duty. I was relieved at 10 o’clock A.M. The regiment got back at 1 o’clock. The boys were very tired and much covered with dust. 21. We were paid this afternoon and have received orders to move. We were very much excited as we are glad to move from this miserable camp. We were issued the rest of our outfit. 22. The first batallion went with the 33 Mich. The rest of us laid around all day somewhat disappointed. 23. We have lain around all day waiting for further orders. I bought an identification check this morning. 24. I went out on guard mount for Pete Winchimski. We received orders to move just as it was over. We broke camp and started for Dun Loring at 6 o’clock P.M. We took the train for Newport News at 10 o’clock. 25. The train broke down and we stopped half an hour for repairs. The sun was just rising as we started again. We passed through Richmond Va. at 9 A.M. and landed at Newport News at 11 o’clock. I went to the Post Office and wrote three letters putting $10 in the one I sent to my stepmother. We were loaded on the Harvard at 6 o’clock. 26. They are loading a supply of coal this forenoon. Got through with the coal and we pulled out at 2 o’clock. The boats in the bay did a great deal of whistling as we pulled out. We passed Fortress Monroe at 5 o’clock and was out of in the ocean at dark. The Harvard is escorting a repair boat (The Vulcan) and has to travel slow. The Harvard has in all about 2500 people on board. 27. We are out of sight of land and have seen but two boats to-day. The ocean is a little rough from the storm we had last night, and at times I am a little dizzy. We saw a number of shark to-day. 28. No land to be seen to-day. We saw one vessel. Some of the boys become uneasy as we have to travel slow in order that the repair boat may keep up and some of the boys have been feeding the little fish. 29. We passed San Salvador Island to-day. A few of the boys are still feeding the little fish. 30. We passed Injuan Island this forenoon and have seen one boat today. it was the Alexandria she lay off the east shore of Cuba. The Island of Cuba hove in sight about 2 o’clock this afternoon. She seems very rough and mountainous. We are not making much headway to-night as we are waiting untill daylight before we approach the fleet. July 1898 1. We struck Sampson’s fleet about 7 o’clock and received orders to land at Sibony a few miles east of the harbor. We landed at 10 A.M. and went into quarters with our first batallion once more. In the forenoon we were issued three days rations and 120 rounds of ammunition. At 3 o’clock a train came with several wounded men from the 33 Mich and later the train brought in the whole regiment. We got orders to move at 1 o’clock P.M. and so started for the front where a fierce battle had been fought. We were with the 9 Mass. 2. We have been marching all night and are nearly worn out. We have stopped for breakfast. Our road lay in a ravine and it was very muddy and it was very warm so many of us have thrown away part of our stuff. I threw away my pup tent and woolen blanket. We met a great many wounded men from the front. They were going to the coast. As we are eating breakfast we can hear the roar of musketry and the boom of cannon. We marched from the division hospital (where we ate breakfast) to the front. It was something horrible to meet the wounded fresh from the fight and see the dead from the day before as we marched to the front. We were marched to the foot of a hill behind the firing line and allowed to rest an hour or two. We were then marched into a ravine to the left and allowed to rest again but the Spaniards learned our position and the shot and shell came so thick that we were compelled to take refuge behind the hill. Five or six of the boys were wounded. 3. I felt very stiff when I got up this morning as I had to sleep on the wet grass without any blanket to keep the dew which is very heavy besides we had to get up and march up the hill as the Spaniards made a charge on the hill at 10 o’clock, but the regulars had driven them back with a loss of 500 so we did not have to do any fighting. About 5 o’clock we heard a great cannonading in the harbor. It was the two fleets coming together. With the exception of a shot now and then from or at a sharp-shooter all has been quiet to-day. The battlefield was visited by a number of foreign officers to-day and the Spaniards will have to change their ways in some respects. I was put on a detail and sent to the division hospital after our blankets. I got my roll by so doing. I had a coat, shirt, towel and 2 pairs socks in the rubber blanket. 4. This has been a dreary fourth indeed. I have had nothing to eat for two days except two hardtack which they issued to-day. Things have been quiet all day as the flag of truce has been flying. We leveled a place and put up what pup tents we had. The sharpshooters have all been cleaned out and the dead have all been buried. Things are very disagreeable as it rains every day. 5. We were issued rations to-day and that seemed to mend things a great deal. The flag of truce is still floating and all is quiet. We dug a bomb proof to-night, they think the enemy may try to shell us out of our position but as we have about 16 batteries around the city I think we will try and keep even. Our works are in the form of a horseshoe around the town with the opening in the bay. 6. We finished our bomb proof this morning and have been idle since. Lieut. Hobson and his men were exchanged to-day. Our boys gave them a great cheer as they rode past our lines. The flag of truce has been down for six hours and we expect to see the fun begin at any moment. 7. The flag of truce is up again and the Spaniards have till Saturday noon. I am not feeling well at present. I am unable to eat much. I think it is the water we are drinking. 8. We broke camp this morning and marched back to a blockhouse to do outpost duty. I am still feeling mean. I came near being overcome by the heat. 9. I did guard duty at our camp last night. The women and children have been marching out of the city for a day or two. Some of them are in a pitiful condition. They seem to have neither clothes or food. We expect they will begin firing on the town soon if the Spaniards do not surrender. I went down to the creek and had a bath and washed my clothes. 10. We broke camp this morning and marched around to the top of a hill overlooking Santiago to support battery A. Captain Grimes in command. I had to drop out and rest and eat something but got here half an hour after the company. We are just behind the battery and have a fine view of the city as we are four or five hundred feet above it. The batteries opened fire on the town at 5 o’clock this afternoon and kept it up untill dark. The gatling guns were turned on the enemy as fast as the shells and the dynamite gun could drive them from the trenches and blockhouses. 11. We lay in the bomb proof all day as firing began early this morning and has continued all day untill near night. I got a letter from home, one from aunt maggie and one from cousin Bell. it did my heart good to get them. I have written to them all this afternoon. 12. Orders came this morning to cease firing untill further orders are given and the flag of truce is again floating. I am feeling mean tonight. last night there was a dreadful thunderstorm (the worst I have ever experienced) and our shelter fell down compelling us to stand in the rain with a blanket around our shoulders. During the storm we could look up and see some of the brightest stars. we were among the clouds. It has rained all day and I have had to do guard duty so I am a little damp as I go to bed. 13. I have been feeling like myself to-day. I went to the creek and washed up my clothes. There has been nothing of importance to-day. 14. The Spaniards have agreed to surrender the city and the Battery we are supporting has orders to move. I do not know where they are going. 15. The Battery moved this morning and we followed them as far as regimental headquarters. The battery is just a little distance below us. I did guard duty untill the company moved. There are six companies camped here now. The other six are down near the city. They have been making roads since we left the firing lines. 16. Things have been very quiet around camp to-day. Some of the boys have been taken sick with malaria fever. I gave a quarter towards sending a bell home which company B took off the blockhouse where we did outpost duty. I took a trip to the spring today. it is about two miles to it. 17. They signed the articles of surrender to-day and the Spaniards have laid down their arms. They were glad to quit the fight as well as we. The stars and stripes now float over the city. 18. A large number of the boys are sick with the fever. I am well at present. I think I never felt better in my life. I have been to the spring twice to-day once before breakfast, it is good exercise I must say. I am ordered to go out on outpost duty for 24 hours. The post is on the hill where the battery stood. 19. I have just come in from outpost duty and got my supper and now for bed. 20. Things have been dull around camp. I and my friend Whitlow had to build up our bunk to-day as Snyder and Linke are not felling well. It has been very warm. I was wet with sweat when I got through with the bed. 21. More of the boys are sick today. I went to the spring this forenoon and worked on a hospital detail this afternoon. My tentmates are still sick. 22. I have not been doing much to-day and things seem to be dull around camp. I made one trip to the spring. 23. I was on guard last night and went to the spring before breakfast. I made a trip to the spring this afternoon and while there had a chill which was followed by quite a high fever. I went and got 18 grains of quinine and I think that will fix me up all right by morning. We got our first issue of fresh meat and I helped to unload it regardless of the fever. The sergeant was able to cook our supper to-night. 24. 22 of the boys in our company answered the sick call this morning. Things seem to be getting worse all the time. Still I can’t complain. I am all right again and went after water as usual this afternoon. 25. I and Whitlow went for water the first thing this morning, we took the mule and brought water for the whole company. Nothing of importance happened to-day. Only 19 of the boys reported at sick call this morning but some of the boys are getting worse. 26. Things were dull today around camp. I stood guard at camp last night, guard duty comes pretty often now as many of the boys are sick. 27. We lay in camp which seems dull as usual. One half of the boys are taking care of the other half. I was at the creek a good part of the day. 28. Nothing of any account has happened in camp to-day. The boys were cheered a little by a rumor that we start for the states in a very few days. 29. Mail came into camp to-day. I got two from home and one (from) Paul Mart also one from Cousin Bell. There are not so many sick now but those who are seem to be getting worse all the while. We got our first issue of fresh bread to-night. it seemed the best we ever ate although it was poor bread. 30. Things are the same as usual about one half of the company are fit for duty. It rained very heavy this forenoon. That is something new as it always rains in the afternoon. Our duck suits came in to-night. 31. We were issued our new clothes this morning. They are good ones. They make the boys look like officers. We are patiently waiting for a chance to move as the camp grounds are getting very dirty and the oder from it is anything but pleasing to the nose. I wrote two letters to-day. one home and one to Robert D. McGregor. August 1889 1. Good news have come with the new month. We have been ordered to move tomorrow morning. We are going to join the rest of the regiment near the city and there prepare for the trip homeward. We are all very much pleased with the prospects nowbefore us. 2. I was on guard last night for the last time at that camp. We moved down within a mile of the outskirts of the city. We are camped on quite a pleasant hill as we have a fine view of the town and can see troops on all sides. The boys seem to be improving in health as all but 3 or 4 of our company were able to march over this morning. It is about three miles. 3. We have got settled in our new quarters. This morning a detail of fifty men was sent after the other two companies of the second batallion. They are in a very bad condition and the camp where they were is not fit to put pigs in. 4. We moved our first batallion this morning. They are nearly all sick. I think they will pick up now as this is a much better place to camp. it has been very hot the last two or three days. 5. Nothing worthy of note has happened in the camp to-day. The first Illinois regiment moved up and are camped just on our right. I went to the commissary to-day to get some canned goods as it is almost impossible to live on what we get from the government. 6. Everything is quiet around camp. The boys are all uneasy they expect to move any day as the troops are leaving as fast as they can get transportation. I was on guard last night. They have sent in about 2500 immunes to do police and guard duty in the town. 7. We are still lying around and doing nothing. The boys are buying about two thirds of the stuff they eat. It seems as though the U.S. ought to be able to feed the boys better than they do. There must be something wrong somewhere. 8. Camp has been dull as usual. There seems to be an improvement in the condition of the reg’t as only about half as many report at sick call as reported two weeks ago. Many of the boys who are sick are dying. We have lost none in our company yet. 9. We were issued underwear, sock and blankets this morning. Uncle Sam makes a better hand at handling clothing than he does at handling provisions. We are still at our same old job. We are patiently waiting for transports. I got a piece of wood from the tree, under which Lieut. Hobson was exchanged and the conditions of surrender were agreed to. 10. Nothing worthy of note happened to-day. The death rate seems to be increasing every day. We have lost 3 men from our reg’t in the last 24 hours. They say that every time there are 3 men (who) go to the division hospital there are 2 who are carried to the burial places. 11. Matters are getting worse if anything as the camp is beginning to get very foul and unhealthy and money is getting scarce so we cannot buy any more canned goods. 12. I am stuck to find out what we did to-day as it has been the same old song (Lay around and wonder when we will move). The camp is getting dirtier all the while. I stood guard last night and I hope it will be the last time on the Island. 13. Things went the same as usual this forenoon but it rained about twice as hard as usual this afternoon and nearly drowned our whole tent crew as we have been sleeping on the ground. There was a young river running through in under our blankets. 14. We went and got a large tent to-day and built up our bunk as we are afraid of another flood. Things are going as usual around camp. 15. Two of our Co’s were paid and sent to finish out a load for the U.S. It is reported that the rest of the reg’t get paid tomorrow. 16. We got our money to-day. We privates drew $31.20. It was quite a busy time among the boys for a while. They were paying back the quarters they borrowed to buy tobbacco. 17. Three more Co’s of the 34 left for home to-day and details from the rest of the companies were sent to guard prisoners that looks as if we are going to stay here a while longer. 18. The camp is lively tonight as we have got orders to move in the morning. Most of the boys in Co. B are able to walk. the sick will be moved in wagons. 19. We broke camp at eight o’clock and marched to the wharf going through the central part of the city. we stopped twice to rest. The last time was in the park. At ten o’clock we went on board the Santiago which is to take us to the best country on earth. The ship lay at the wharf all afternoon loading on supplies. 20. We pulled out at 10 o’clock this morning and passed out of the harbor. On the way we saw the Merrimac and one of the Spanish warships. The warship was lying partly on her side and looked as though she had gotten in Sampson’s way. Just after we passed the boats we came to Morro Castle, it looked as though it might have been a formidable structure one day, but amounts to but little since Uncle Sam’s boats paid her a visit. We travelled along the southern coast of Cuba all afternoon and expect to round the point tonight. I stood guard last night and to-day. Just after I was relieved from my post this afternoon I became a little sick at the stomach and succeeded in throwing up all the good things I got to eat in Cuba. I was sick only about fifteen minutes and to-night I am feeling first class. Many of the boys were sick when they came on board and a great many more are sea sick. 21. When we woke up this morning Cuba had disappeared and we were all glad of it. but many of us were feeling mean as a soldier does not have the best accomodations on board a transport. We passed several islands to-day, among them was Castle Island. Only one or two ships came in view to-day. 22. The ocean has been very calm so far and to-day has almost like glass. Nothing has come into view except one large vessel which was bound towards the East. We passed San Salvador last night and I think it is nearly the last on the trip. The boys have a great time buying handouts from the cook. I have been able to get a few myself. It is almost impossible to eat what we are issued. 23. We have seen nothing to-day but a boat or two. This has been a sad day for Co B as we have lost Albert Gilhooley and had to bury him at sea. It is the first death that has occured in the Company since started for Cuba and the first to occur on board the ship. I took care of Albert last night. It was an awful task as he was delerious nearly all night and to be watched like a cat would a mouse. 24. We have seen nothing but the sea and the sky to-day, still it seems a pleasure to breathe pure air and watch the calm ocean. I am very sleepy to-night as I helped to take care of Charley Lahr and Varney Merritt last night. they are both quite sick and need good care in order to pull them through. There are four of Co B’s boys who need to be well taken care of. The captain is also very sick. There was another burial at sea today. The deceased was a member of Co. L (Scott, nicknamed Scotty). 25. We can still see nothing but the sky and the peaceful ocean and once in a while a passing ship. We had to leave two more of the 34th boys behind us to-day. I did not learn what company they belonged to. It does seem too bad to lose them on the way back to their home and friends. I have been taking care of Charley Lahr again to-day. he is getting stronger quite fast. We must be getting back near America at least the breeze says so. it seems quite cool. 26. When we woke up this morning we thought winter was coming on at once the wind was so cold. We saw nothng in the forenoon but about 2o’clock we saw a great many boats and in less than an hour we sighted land. We rounded the point about 5 o’clock and then the campgrounds could be plainly seen. we arrived at our destination about seven and tonight we are anchored with the other transports just outside the landing. 27. We were examined at 7 o’clock this morning and the sick were taken off this afternoon. We expected to land this afternoon but were disappointed. 28. We landed this morning and our first greeting was a ham sandwich and beef, tea followed by cold fresh milk. We thought we were in America for certain. We were then marched to the detention camp where we are to remain for three days. Our tents were all up and everything seemed like a paradise compared with what we have had. 29. We got our new class of rations to-day. They consisted of: eggs, butter, milk, bread, beef and green corn, potatoes, etc. Quite a change from our usual diet. We signed the payroll to-night. I have been on guard all day and expect to be all night. 30. Things were somewhat quiet in camp to-day. We were issued new clothes all through and were ordered to burn our old ones. I had a slight headache today. 31. We were paid to-day and we expect to start for home tomorrow. September 1898 1. We have been getting ready and waiting for orders to start for home but I guess we will not get away before morning. I have worked in the mess tent since yesterday afternoon and will be until we leave. 2. We broke camp at seven o’clock this morning and marched to the train. At 1 o’clock the train pulled out for New York. We were on a train which had to turn out for everything. We got all the peaches and watermelons we could eat at Duogue. We arrived in New York at 1:30 P.M. and were marched to the ferry which pulled out about 12 o’clock and carried us across and down the river passing under the main span of Brooklyn bridge. it was a beautiful sight as it was all lighted up and there were 21 street cars passing over. 3. We boarded the train which pulled out at 9 o’clock A.M.. Just after we started we passed through a tunnel which took the train at least 3 minutes to pass through. It is 3 o’clock A.M. and we have passed through another tunnel in which we met and passed another train and now we are going through a town. We have a fine view of the Hudson River as the moon is bright. We stopped at Syracuse about 3 o’clock this afternoon and got coffee and rations. We are travelling along the Erie canal and a railway system having four tracks. Ours is a double track. 4. 8 o’clock P.M. we have stopped at Newark and the people have treated us so well that I am afraid we will be sick. Wine, champagne, celery, tomatoes, melons, coffee, apples, sandwiches and milk are among the things on the bill of fare. We reached Buffalo at 7:30 P.M. and were loaded down with good things untill we hadn’t car room for them. The good things were furnished by Mr Blacker of Manistee. 4. We stopped at Toledo at six o’clock and received coffee and other delicacies. We landed in Detroit at 8 o’clock and were escorted by the citizens to the Cadillac Hotel where we partook of a hearty breakfast after which I left my company and joined Co. F of the 33 and travelled as far as Port Huron with them. At Pt. Huron there was another grand reception and we were escorted to the St Clair where dinner was served and I took up quarters untill the morrow. 5. I left Pt. Huron for Marlette at eight o’clock accompanied by Mr. Decker and several other Sanilac Co. gentlemen and arrived in Marlette at 10 o’clock where they had prepared a surprise for me by having the whole town turn out to give me a reception. After having a talk with the people I took dinner with an old soldier. After dinner an old soldier had me enter his photograph gallery and have my picture taken then after having a chat with about a hundred more people messrs. Decker and Dougherty Decker’s Mill where I stopped with Mr. Decker for the night in the meantime meeting many nice people in the vicinity all of whom were anxious to hear news from Cuba. 6. After having a beautiful night’s rest I lay around in the forenoon talking with the people as they were unable to work on account of the rain. After dinner, -the rain having ceased- Mr. Dougherty hitched up and took me home. I reached home about 5 o’clock safe and sound having never met with the least sickness or accident on my trip to Cuba.
Note: by George Edgar Cripps.  4532 Reads  Printer-friendly page



Spanish American "The WINSLOW arrived off Cardenas from Matanza at 9 a.m. on the 11th, having left her station on the blockade to obtain an additional supply of coal, the amount of fuel in her bunkers being reduced to 5 tons. I was directed to apply to Captain Todd, commanding the U.S.S. WILMINGTON, for necessary supplies. On boarding the U.S.S. WILMINGTON I was informed by her commanding officer of his intention to enter Cardenas Harbor on the afternoon of that day. I was directed to receive on board a Cuban pilot, Santos, to take with me the revenue cutter HUDSON to sound this channel, and, in company with the HUDSON, to sweep the channel for torpedoes. This work I completed by noon, except for sweeping the channel which could not be done on account of the grounding of the HUDSON. That vessel touched lightly but managed to work off without injury. The WINSLOW, therefore, dragged the channel with grapnels and returned to the WILMINGTON, reporting to captain Todd upon the practicality of the entrance. The entrance was begun at 12.30, high tide, the HUDSON on the starboard side and the WINSLOW on the port side of the WILMINGTON. As it was thought possible that gunboats might attempt to escape, the HUDSON was sent along the western side and the WINSLOW along the eastern side of the bay to intercept them in event of such movement. Not finding them the three vessels met off the town at a distance of about 3,500 yards. When in this position the WINSLOW was signaled to approach the WILMINGTON within hail and I was directed by Captain Todd to go in and investigate a small gunboat then observed for the first time, painted gray with black smokestack, apparently not under steam and moored to a wharf, to the left of which arose a compact mass of buildings close to the water front. Torpedoes were set for surface runs, the fans upon the war-noses were run up so as to provide for explosion at short range for use alongside the gunboat, and all preparations were made for immediate action. At a distance of about 1,500 yards, at which time the WINSLOW was advancing at about 12 knots, which seems her maximum speed in quiet shoal water, the first gun of the engagement was fired from the bow of the Spanish gunboat, marked by a clear puff of white smoke. This shot, which passed over the WINSLOW, was at once replied to by that ship and was the signal for the commencement from the beach of a rapidly sustained fire, characterized primarily by a total absence of smoke. At the commencement of this firing I received a flesh wound in the left thigh. As the action advanced a cloud of haze collected on shore at the location of this battery and when closer I detected one or two gun flashes from among the buildings but at no time could I detect the exact position of the guns. My uncertainty as to the position of the enemy was attested to by the commanding officer of the HUDSON and by officers commanding gun divisions on the WILMINGTON who inquired of me shortly after the action what I made out to be the enemy's exact position. At this time the wind was blowing from the ships toward the shore. The first shot that pierced the WINSLOW rendered her steam and hand-steering gear inoperative and damaged them beyond repair. Efforts to work the hand-steering gear from aft were frustrated by the wrecking of that mechanism and the rupture of both wheel ropes; relieving tackles failed to operate the rudder. For a short time the vessel was held on her bows in position by use of her propellers. She then swung broadside to the enemy. A shell now pierced her engine room rendering one engine inoperative. I directed my attention to maintaining fire from her 1-pounder guns, to keep the vessel constantly in movement, so as to reduce the chances of her being hit, to endeavoring to withdraw from short range, and to keeping clear of the line of fire of the WILMINGTON and HUDSON. The use of the remaining engine, had the effect of throwing her stern toward the enemy upon backing, while going ahead, threw her bow in the same direction. Under the heavy fire of the WILMINGTON, the fire of the enemy slackened. The Spanish gunboat was silenced and put out of action early in the engagement. The WINSLOW now being practically disabled, I signaled to the HUDSON to tow us out of action. She very gallantly approached us, and we succeeded in getting a line to her. Previous to this, the alternate rapid backing and steaming ahead of the WINSLOW had had the effect of working her out from under the enemy's batteries, and in this way a distance of about 300 yards was gained. Finding that we were working our way out in this manner, I directed Ensign Bagley to concentrate his attention upon the movement of the ship, watching the vessel so as to keep her out of the WILMINGTON's way, and to direct the movements of the man at the reversing gear, mechanical communication from deck to engine room being impracticable. This necessitated Mr. Bagley making repeated short trips from the deck to the foot of the engine room ladder while directing the vessel's course, and at the moment of being on deck he stood abreast the starboard gun close to a group of men who had been stationed below, but who had been sent on deck from the disabled machinery. A shell hitting, I believe, a hose reel, exploded instantly, killing Ensign Bagley and two others and mortally wounding two. This accident, which occurred at the close of the action, was virtually its end; the enemy fired a few more shots, but was soon completely silenced by the heavy fire of the WILMINGTON. The conduct of Ensign Bagley and the men with him, as well as that of the crew who survived the fight, is beyond commendation. After seeing the dead and wounded removed from the WINSLOW and conveyed on board the WILMINGTON, I turned over the command of the ship to Gunner's Mate G. P. Brady, my own injury preventing me from performing active duty for the time being."
Note: by Lt. J. B. Bernadou, Commander, USS WINSLOW.  3581 Reads  Printer-friendly page



Navy It was now the year 1755, when a dispute arising between this country and France (actually war was not declared until 17 May 1756) I felt anxious to return to my duty as a Seaman. The late Sir James Douglas, who died an Admiral, was a school-fellow of my Father`s; and then commanded the Bedford, fitting out at Chatham.
Note: by Lieut. William Hunter. Born in 1731, he served in Merchant Ships and East Indiamen before joining the Royal Navy in 1755.   6742 Reads  Printer-friendly page



World War I Hut 11, Frensham Military Hosp., Nr. Farnham, Surrey, England September 15, 1916 Dear Lallie:- You will see by the above address that I am back again in England and in hospital. But am thankful to say I have no open wounds. Just a severely sprained back and my nerves are badly shaken up. I was buried in the trenches, and you may be sure I thought my last moment had come. My chum next to me was killed - instantly killed. Something seemed to tell me the day before that I was going to get it. I have been in the hospital two weeks now, counting the time I was in the Australian Hospital before I came to England. Yesterday was the first time I was out of bed for an hour or two. I am to shaky to walk yet, but am getting along nicely. On Wednesday who should visit me but Johnnie. I was so pleased to see him. He is near us at Whitley. We are 31 miles past London-rather a long way from home. I told dear Ettie not to come so far, as I may soon be moved to a Canadian hospital. The doctor in France also saw my toe, and he said I should not have been passed. One overlaps the other, the same as Johnnie got his discharge for. The doctor there was going to operate on them, but they won't allow him to. So I do not think I will have to go back to France. We were in the same place as Harold got his arm off. It was awful. Perhaps you read the report in the paper-the bombardment of Sunday the 3rd. I thank God he spared me to dear Ettie. This morning I had a letter from Harold, also one from Johnnie. Harold writes very good indeed with his left hand, and he is getting along fine, waiting for his new arm. Now Lallie, I hope you are quite well, and I think you had better come back to England and be with us all here. You know there is always a home waiting here for you with dear Ettie and I. Well, I have no news. When you write to me send it to Ettie and she will forward it on to me, unless I am home by then. Remember me to Mrs. Booty, also, Mrs. Northgraves when you see them. Take every care of your dear self. Heaps of love. God bless you. Your Loving Brother Fred
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Spanish American IN THE TRENCHES IN FRONT OF SANTIAGO DE CUBA. July 8, 1898 To the REGIMENTAL ADJUTANT TWELFTH UNITED STATES INFANTRY. SIR: I have the honor to submit the following report of operations of Company F in the combat at Caney, near this place, July 1 last: Company arrived in vicinity of stone blockhouse as part of Second Battalion (Haskell's). After some maneuvering it reached a position behind a hedge, about 450 yards east of blockhouse about 11 a. in. It remained there firing on blockhouse during the right. Between 3 and 4 p.m. the company, one by one, sneaked into the dead space in a ravine immediately in front of its position behind the hedge. About 4 p.m., at the suggestion of General Chaffee, brigade commander, the company advanced up the southeast slope to the blockhouse supported by Company A, Twelfth Infantry. No resistance was met during the advance. Three armed Spaniards were found in the trench in front of blockhouse. They surrendered. Nine men and one officer (Second Lieutenant Canalda) were captured inside the blockhouse. Soon after other troops followed and a vigorous fire was received from the town, which was duly returned. The firing finally ceased about 4.30, I judge, and the battle was ended. Casualties in Company F: Behind the hedge - First Sergeant Miller and Private Scott, killed; Corporal Schendelmeyer, wounded. At the blockhouse – Sergeant Wilson and Private Gering, killed. In the ravine (fire from town) – Private Moore, wounded. I Respectfully submitted. WALLIS O. CLARK, Captain, Twelfth Infantry, Commanding Company F.
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Navy The following simple narrative contains the life of a Veteran who, though not altogether successful in his Naval Career, yet has uniformly run with Patience the race that was set before him. It was originally drawn up to gratify the curiosity of a Friend; and it is alone owing to the importunity of friendship, that so correct a delineation of a British Seaman is now presented to the public. It tells of my life, first in the Merchant`s Service and then in that of the King.
Note: by Lieut. William Hunter. Born in 1731, he served in Merchant Ships and East Indiamen before joining the Royal Navy in 1755.   5471 Reads  Printer-friendly page



Spanish American "On June 15, 1898, the dynamite cruiser VESUVIUS, of which so much had been expected, was at last tested, with what result it remained for the Spaniards cooped up in Santiago harbor to report. The swift craft crept unobserved to within 600 yards of the mouth of the harbor, and, after discharging 1,500 pounds of ammunition at the Spanish ships and the fortification within, escaped unharmed. A Cuban pilot and Ensign L. C. Palmer, who had made the trip ashore and were acquainted with the location of the ships of Admiral Cervera's squadron and the batteries, went aboard the vessel, and she was ordered to the mouth of the harbor. The last order issued to her from the flagship was to be very deliberate. The VESUVIUS took up her position and fired three shots in as many minutes, one from each of her aerial dynamite tubes. The report was a peculiar one, sounding like a cough. There was no recoil perceptible. The first shot struck near the ridge of the hills, and exploded with a tremendous roar, not unlike the thunder of a shell. There was, however, very little flame. The light emitted was rather in the nature of a glow. An immense volume of red earth was blown straight up into the air to a height of 200 feet. The effect of the second shot, which struck higher up on the cliff, was similar to that of the first. The third shot went over the hill, and probably reached the supposed location of the torpedo boats in the harbor. Only two shots were fired in answer by the forts, and these were apparently delivered at random. The VESUVIUS backed out at a high rate of speed, although she was moving with her engines reversed. She swept by the lighthouse tender that was lying to seaward, which was getting away from the fire of the forts, passing her as though she was lying at anchor. The men on the VESUVIUS were delighted with their work and anxious to try their guns again. They expected and were eager to go straight into the harbor, but the effect of the shots were not such as justified an attempt to pass the lower batteries, and VESUVIUS did not repeat her attack."
Note: by General Marcus J. Wright.  3646 Reads  Printer-friendly page



World War I Dear Captain Gunyon: Replying to your first series of questions, concerning the 76th. Brigade of Royal Field Artillery: The 76th Brigade was supporting the Canadian Infantry which was holding the line in front of Vimy. The brigade consisted of four batteries of 18 pounders (field guns) and one battery of 4.5 inch Howitzers. The cover of the guns, while poor was, I suppose, as good as that usually occupied by field guns in position only a few days, and the quarters of the gun crews were in cellars near the guns, but the shells thrown at us were eight inch, and armour piercing. At least the artillery men said that they were armour piercing, and after viewing the effects of their explosions I was in no position to argue with them. After several dugouts had been blown in, some of the uninjured personnel set to work digging out the injured while the bombardment was in progress and it was this rescue work which was carried out under scanty or no cover. The bombardment lasted from 1 p.m. until 10 p.m., with a few periods of lull, and was apparently counter battery work on the part of the enemy. Our guns were not in action. As you surmise, the gun crews had taken refuge in cellars, not anticipating a bombardment of such intensity with heavy stuff. Gas shells and high explosion were intermingled. My work consisted in dressing the wounded, checking hemorrhage, giving a hypo of morphine when necessary and seeing that the injured were evacuated to the rear. The gas used that day was the deadly sweetish smelling phosgene. It was my first experience with gas in warfare and I wore a mask part of the time and instructed the men to do so whenever there was a dangerous concentration. You ask about my own reaction: It was of course very disconcerting to endeavor to dress wounded while shells were showering debris about[,] and the possibility of being in the next few seconds in the same plight as the terribly wounded men I was dressing, occurred to me every now and then. The whole thing seemed rather unreal, particularly when it occurred to me, busy as I was, that the killing was being done deliberately and systematically. I felt particularly sorry for the young artillery men, (and many of them were about 19) who were being subjected to the ordeal. I remember one man who had a ghastly wound which would obviously prove fatal in a short time, pleading with me, amidst the turmoil of the explosions, to shoot him. I heard that same request several times later while serving with the infantry. Every soldier who has seen action since knows that it requires the highest type of stamina and bravery for troops to lie in a trench and take a heavy shelling without being demoralized and panic stricken, therefore I shall always remember the orderly rescue work carried on by the officers and men of the artillery in the face of the concentrated shelling that occurred that afternoon. You ask about the work of the artillery officers. They very bravely and ably directed the men in the work of rescue and tried to keep gun crews intact as nearly as possible, in order to fire at any time, should orders to do so, be received. During the trench tours in front of Lens, I usually had a deserted gun pit or cellar communicating with the support trench as a dressing station. The actions about the G[um] Crossin and La Coulotte, though attended by heavy casualties, were more in the nature of raids or diverting attacks, than holding attacks, therefore, I did not accompany the attacking parties. During a trench tour I stuck close to the dressing station if the enemy was active, in order to look after the injured, if things were quiet I visited the different headquarters of the platoons and companies holding the line. Going into the line was sometimes the most disagreeable part of the tour, because of the darkness, danger of getting lost, the mud, and the shelling of the roads just behind the line. The Passchendaele Campaign was carried on in a sea of mud. I have never seen a drearier sight than the salient in front of Ypres--churned up mud with mucky shell holes and never a tree as far as the eye could reach. It was necessary to march single file on duck walk because of the mud for a distance of five or six miles when going in for a tour. We were machine- gunned and bombed from the air and subjected to a terrific shelling on the way in and nothing like a real trench system was possible, the line being held by a series of posts in shell holes. My dressing station was located beside a concrete "pill box", an old German strong point. Captain Dunlap, medical officer of the 102nd Battalion, who was later killed, shared the dressing station with me. I had never met Dunlap before and when he appeared at our rendevous, with four days growth of black beard on his face, a torn tunic and string like remnants of puttees, he looked so much like a stage hobo that I burst out laughing in his face. He was a fine chap and we became good friends. The stretcher bearers had a very difficult time. The whole area was subjected to continuous shelling by the enemy. The pill box afforded shelter on one side for the dressing station and sheets of camouflage and canvas formed the roof. When no wounded were coming in Dunlap and I would crawl into the pill box for greater security. We kept no enlisted personnel with us as there was literally no place where they could stand without sinking to their knees in mud and the number of wounded men was not so great but that the two medical officers could do all that could be done. When we were relieved by the medical officer of the English unit that took over[;] Dunlap, and I, with Captain A.A. Gray, adjutant of the 75th, started back towards Ypres, over the duckwalk. The different platoons of our battalion had trickled back as they were relieved. The two way duckwalk was, as usual, shelled heavily. We were passing the Argyle and Sutherland Highlanders coming when a shell got a direct hit among them about 200 feet ahead of us. Their dead and wounded, lying in grotesque attitudes, were being cleared away by their comrades with feverish haste as we dog trotted past the smoking shell hole. We did not stop because their own medical unit was on the job, they had plenty of help and each unit was supposed to take care of its own casualties. Regarding the citation for the Military Cross: "The open ground" mentioned consisted of the wheat fields and other flat unwooded ground through which we passed between Beaucourt and Le Quesnel on the immediate left of the Amiens-Roye road. As we advanced we were frequently under direct observation by enemy balloons directing artillery fire. When one shell landed half a dozen others were pretty sure to land in a very short time within a radius of 50 yards or so of where the first one did, consequently when the first few caused casualties they had to be attended in a shower of debris caused by the explosion of succeeding shells. It was necessary to pass through the streets of Le Quesnel several times during the barrage in order to find the wounded who were scattered throughout the town. I supervised their collection, during lulls in the shelling in a cellar I used as a dressing station. The platoons furnished stretcher bearers. My medical section, consisting of a sergeant, corporal and two privates were with me part of the time, or were in the dressing station when I was out, or they themselves were engaged in looking for wounded. As the 4th C.M.R. and tanks pushed through the village the shelling again became intense. The Germans were about 240 yds. outside the village. As Corporal Adnitt, and Private Marigold and myself were attending to some wounded in a d[inur]y near a street corner that was being heavily shelled, a company of the 4th C.M.R. went by. As the hind of the company reached the street corner about a hundred feet away a shell landed in their midst. About six men went down. As they were going into an attack they could not stop to take care of their wounded. Adnitt, Marigold and I ran to them. The Company Commander lay on his face with the back of his head sheared off. I recall that he had the rank and name of "Captain MacDonald" written on some of his equipment. Three other men were killed and lay beside him. The Company Sergeant Major had his leg blown off just above the knee and several men had less severe injuries. We put hurried dressings on the wounded and got them off the corner, which was a very hot spot, into shelter as quickly as possible. One of the men who had been killed was evidently carrying phosphorous smoke bombs. These set his clothing on fire. We tried to extinguish the fire, but his clothing and body seemed shot through with the phosphorous and it was impossible to put it out. The nature of his wound made it evident that he had been instantly killed and as shells were falling about at a lively rate, we left him. Later in the day when the enemy had been pushed back and things had quieted down I saw his body again. He was almost incinerated. I dressed very few enemy wounded in Le Quesnel, as they had evidently been able to evacuate them before we took the village. A day or so later we came across a temporary tent hospital of the Germans full of wounded. These my men and I dressed until they could be evacuated as a matter of ordinary humanity. I might add that they were very grateful. I am attaching a very rough sketch of the Sept. 2nd attack. The Germans did not use very much gas that day in our sector. I do not think they used the bayonet much either, though I was not in a position to know. I kept no copy of the notes that I sent you and do not know what details concerning Sept 2nd. I gave to you. My medical detail and I worked along the crest attending to the wounded when the battalion was held up short of its objective. The rifle, machine gun and artillery fire was intense. We got to the wounded by crawling or running in a stooping position and when the fire became too hot flattened out on the ground like limpets on a rock. My Sergeant, Harry Munnell received the D.C.M. and my Corporal, George Adnitt received the M.S.M. for work done that day. I cannot speak too highly of their gallantry and devotion to duty. Concerning Capt. Dunlop (who by the way, is to be distinguished from Capt. Dunlap the M.O. of the 102nd Battalion previously mentioned): He was first hit in the abdomen by a rifle bullet, as he led his company over the crest. He had advanced in the face of a [wither]ing fire, swinging his walk- ing stick nonchalantly. There wasn't much chance for conversation as I dressed him but he did ask if we were having many casualties. Twenty or thirty minutes later when I was near him again he told me that he had been hit in the thigh as he lay there. We put him in a shell hole. His first wound being in the abdomen it was advisable to get him back to the C.C.S. for opera- tion as soon as possible, so Sergeant Munnell and I stopped three or four German prisoners to press them into service as stretcher bearers. An enemy field gun about a mile away, ahead and to our right, began firing at us and the first or second shell landed among us, or so it seemed to me, I was knocked into the shell hole with one of the Germans on top of me; Munnell was knocked to the ground, a wounded man who was lying near had his ear nearly taken off and the other two Germans, wounded and shrieking, ran toward our lines. As I struggled out from under the German, he was groaning and crying, and I spoke to him sharply to get him to remove his weight from me. Dunlop said "He's badly hit Doc. Look at his face." I looked, and the face was gray. At the same time I saw a wound in his thigh with the blood spurting from a severed femoral. As I put a tourniquet above the wound he moved a little and I saw that the whole side of his chest was torn out. He expired in less than a minute. Meanwhile the field gun continued to fire at us, about every 10 or 15 seconds, I should say, landing its shells usually within 15 or 30 yards. As the four of us, Munnell, Dunlop, another wounded man and myself lay in the shell hole the din was terrific, with machine gun and rifle fire ahead, our low flying planes swooping to within 50 feet of the ground and firing at the enemy and shell explosions all about. Someone remarked that it was no place to sit and read the paper and another observed that there would be an awful mess if Fritz ever got a direct hit on our shell hole. In a short time the enemy fell back and the fire abated, and we were able to get Dunlop and the other casualties scattered along the crest, back a couple of hundred yards or so, to a trench in which we were collecting our wounded. You ask regarding the circumstances under which aid was rendered to the Sergeant mentioned in the V.C. citation: He was Sergeant McCullogh of the bat- talion scouts. As I recall it, at the time mentioned I was lying on the ground near our colonel, who was of course directing the attack, the adjutant, McCullogh and several others. The firing just ahead had subsided to desultory machine gun and rifle fire and McCullogh was dispatched by the Colonel, to find out I believe, what progress was being made by the right flank. Things were quieter and it seemed that the enemy was falling back. He stooped and ran forward and to the right about 200 feet, when there was a single shot fol- lowed by a burst of machine gun fire, and he fell. The enemy was, I estimate 100 to 300 yards ahead in the sunken road. I ran to him and dressed his wound, which was a dangerous one through the pelvis. I do not recall our con- versation and do not remember if he was placed in a shell hole. With slight undulations in the terrain one was sometime fairly well [protected] if one lay very flat on the ground. I lay beside him for 5 or 10 minutes, then crawled away and went about my other duties. We got him back a short time later. I am attaching an extract from "a History of the 75th Battalion", which describes briefly the battalion movements from Sept. 2 till the Armistice. As there stated, I was on leave during the action of September 27th to October 4th when our casualties were terrific. I did not want to go on leave at this time as I was endeavoring to get my leave postponed until I could get off at the same time as my brother, who was a lieutenant in the infantry of the American Rainbow Division. It was just as well, probably, that my leave came through when it did. In compiling these notes I have dwelt rather lightly upon my experiences from a purely medical standpoint. You have a copy of an address which I delivered dealing to some extent with this phase of my service. Like most regimental medical officers I was at great pains in endeavoring to be just to the men in assigning them duty or in sending [them] into the line if they professed to be sick or disabled. I was never wounded. On Sept 2 1918 I was knocked to my knees when a machine gun, or rifle bullet, deeply scored my steel helmet. In November 1917 as we were going up to Passchendaele a fragment of shell from a high velocity gun knocked me down as we were marching past the Cloth Hall in Ypres and the back of my rain coat and tunic were torn out, but I sustained no injury other than a severe contusion. You ask concerning my motives for joining the Canadian army: They were rather mixed. In the first place, I was in great sympathy with the Allied cause, secondly I am chiefly of English descent: my great grandfather served under Lord Nelson and lost an eye in the battle of Trafalgar and my paternal grandfather came to the U.S. from England in the 1840's and was Captain and adjutant on a New York regiment during the Civil War. The third factor was the desire for surgical experience and adventure which I felt war service would afford. Please do not quote me in your narrative. I feel sure that I can rely upon you to give no highly colored version of events I have related. Concerning my reference to the Encyclopedia Brittanica which you state that you were unable to trace: The reference is to pages 952 to 959 in Volume III of "The Three New Supplementary Volumes, Constituting with the Volumes of the Latest Standard Edition the Thirteenth Edition". Copyright 1926. You will find in those pages a very accurate and detailed account of the actions of Aug 8th and Sept. 2 1918. There are also two very good maps.
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Spanish American New London, Conn., September 12, 1898 The ADJUTANT GENERAL, U. S. ARMY, Washington D. C. Sir: I have the honor to submit the following report upon the service of my battery (F, Second Artillery) during the months of June and July, covering the expedition to, and operations about, Santiago de Cuba: I. The horses, men, personal baggage, and camp equipment of the battery were loaded upon the transport Berkshire, in connection with Battery A, Second Artillery, prior to June 13, 1898, and the transport hauled out into the stream; but the ship came into the slip again and the horses were unloaded and sent up to camp, awaiting the final departure of the expedition. On June 13 the horses were reloaded, and the transport hauled out and proceeded to the lower bay to await the assembling of the fleet. The guns, carriages, caissons, harness, and general battery equipment had all been previously loaded and stowed, in connection with Battery A, Second Artillery, upon the lower afterdeck of the transport Iroquois, it being possible to load and stow without dismounting any of the battery. The ammunition, and also that of Battery A, Second Artillery, was all stowed, under personal supervision, in the forward lower hold of the same transport. It is to be regretted that it was impossible to have loaded the complete battery upon any one transport; but owing to the character and arrangements of these transports, taken as they were where they could be found, such an arrangement was impossible. On the Iroquois there was room available for guns and carriages, but none for the horses. On the Berkshire horses and men could be taken, but there was no room for guns, etc. Hence, the separation of the men and horses from the guns etc., appeared unavoidable, even though undesirable. On June 14, at about 3 p. m., the fleet had got into position and proceeded to sea. The trip at sea was without particular incident of interest. Though somewhat crowded, and, from the construction and nature of the transport, without much accommodation in the way of cooking, the men got along very comfortably. They were allowed to occupy nearly the whole ship by day and sleep anywhere at night. The saloon staterooms were allotted to the noncommissioned officers. There was no sickness, and, so far as the men were concerned, nothing better could have been expected under the circumstances. As to the horses, they stood the confinement and heat of the horse deck much better than had been anticipated. It was to be regretted, however, that the horse deck, being of iron, necessitated a temporary wooden covering upon which to fasten the stanchions for the stalls and the cleats to prevent slipping. This wooden covering and the cleats formed a regular open work grill, into which chaff and manure would pack in spite of all efforts to the contrary. The build of the ship, too, was such that no gangways could be provided in rear of the horses, there being barely room for one gangway at their head; hence the manure was difficult to be got at and removed. All of this made it next to impossible to keep the horse deck as clean as it should have been. As there were but two small scuppers - one on each side - on this deck, and as the deck was said not to be tight and the hold beneath was full of cargo, no cleaning by flushing out with hose was permissible. The ventilation was defective, but through the fault of no one, being the best possible from the construction of the ship. Fresh air was admitted through two large wind sails in the forward hatches, and also through the deadlights upon each side of the ship. The side ports, one forward and one aft on each side of the ship, were so constructed that they could not be opened generally with safety; hence there was no proper exit for the foul and heated air, or any chance to cause a strong draft throughout the horse deck. The small side ports, or deadlights, were quite numerous , and could generally be kept open. They were fitted with extemporized hoods of tin, made by the battery blacksmith, and, with these hoods, admitted a good deal of fresh air while the ship was under way. By shifting the horses about continuously in a regular order, so as to bring them all in turn into the cooler and fresher part or the deck, they were kept in fair condition, with but one or two exceptions. One horse became sick and exhausted, and died; another was about gone when we were ready to unload, and died before reaching the shore, and another was overheated, and drowned from spasms while swimming ashore. With these exceptions, the horses were landed in very fair condition.It is to be understood that no criticism or fault-finding is intended by the above report as to the horse deck. It is well known and understood that transports had to be taken as they could be found and the best possible use be made of them. It is not to be supposed that a vessel built for a horse transports were to be had, and it is fully conceded that the best possible arrangements were made to convert the Berkshire into a transport upon which horses could be sent with but small risk of disaster. The same is to be said as to the limited arrangements for cooking and messing for the men. The Berkshire, from her build and previous trade in the merchant service, had simply a forward galley of size commensurate for her limited crew, and aft a small pantry for a limited number of passengers; hence nothing better could have been provided. As the men had travel rations, the main thing was to provide coffee. This was arranged for by the provision of some large barrels with a steam coil within, in which barrels the coffee could be made by steam heat. By amicable arrangements with the ships cook and captain I obtained the use of the cooks galley when not in use for the crew, and by cooking at night was thus enabled to give the men extra food above the travel ration from stores brought along for the purpose. Taken all in all, the trip by sea was by no means a great hardship; the men were cheerful and contented; there was no sickness, and nothing happened to in any way mar the success of the expedition. After arriving at the coast of Cuba the artillery was not landed for a day or two after the infantry had about all landed. Finally the order was received, and the Berkshire moved in and anchored within about 400 to 500 yards of the beach. Contrary to the teachings of the books, the horses would not swim ashore unaided. At first they were sent overboard loosely, expecting that they would swim ashore; but this was at once found to be an impracticable method, for they would swim back to the ship, or to sea - anywhere but ashore. Consequently the ships boats had to be used to tow the horses ashore, or to the edge of the surf, and then to drive them ashore, or keep them from swimming to sea. But two horses could be taken at a time, and this made many trips; especially tiresome because of rough water, and because even then, when turned loose, some of the horses refused to go ashore and had to be caught up and again brought back.The ship's crew was but limited in number, and could not manage the boats all day. They were assisted as best possible by detail of men from the batteries. But soldiers are not necessarily sailors, or, as a general rule, taught a sailorıs duty, even in rowing a boat; hence the men available for boats' crews were but few in number, greatly handicapping us in this work. We did the best we could, everyone working faithfully and zealously to get done with a long , tedious, and hard job. As it was my fortune to be one of the last to unload my horses, I could profit from observation. I therefore sent a trumpeter and a heavy detail of men ashore, some of whom were fearless swimmers. By this means I got my horses ashore without much trouble. After they were turned loose from the boats the trumpeter would sound some familiar call and the men would rush in to catch up some horse about to turn back, frightened by the surf. The trumpet appeared to attract their attention and give them confidence, and, a bunch of horses being purposely kept in sight on the beach, the most of them would come through the surf to the trumpet to join those in sight. Unfortunately , as I began unloading late in the afternoon, darkness prevented its full accomplishment that day, and it had to be finished the next morning; but the last horse was unloaded and all in camp at the picket line before 8 a. m. After the horses were all on shore one-half of the battery was sent on shore under the orders received to care for them, the rest being held on board to be available for unloading the battery whenever this became possible. On June 25 a boat came alongside to take the men to the Iroquois for this purpose. I went in charge of my men and unloading was begun at once. Everything had to be hoisted up through the hatches and lowered onto the barge alongside. This was successfully accomplished by my battery in exactly one hour and three-quarters. On this barge was Battery A, Second Artillery, as well as my own, and everything belonging to the battery equipment, except the ammunition, was unloaded on June 25. There was no room for this ammunition after the two batteries were unloaded, and, furthermore, a tug came along to take the barge to the dock just as the loading of the harness was completed, and would not have waited for any further loading; hence the ammunition was not touched. It is to be remarked that all of this unloading by my battery was with my own men, assisted by the first and second mates of the ship, and wholly unassisted by any stevedores. By daylight on June 26 a detail was sent to the Iroquois to break out and begin loading the ammunition on the barge to send ashore. This barge had been sent back to the Iroquois some time during the night, after the batteries had been unloaded from it to the shore. It was long after dark before I finished unloading my battery to the shore, as I was prevented from working except when the track was clear from its then use in unloading small-arms ammunition from small boats. The officer in charge of this work permitted me to unload so long as such unloading did not stop his work; hence there were times when I had to wait and do nothing, waiting for the one track and only road to be clear to permit me to run a gun or a caisson on shore. This is only mentioned as a sample of the difficulties under which we worked. On June 26, while one detail was at work unloading ammunition from the Iroquois, the rest of the men on the Berkshire were hard at work stowing away and arranging the property to be left back and packing up their own kits and rations preparatory to going ashore. While so engaged, a steam launch came alongside and General Shafter in person ordered everybody and everything on board said launch to go on shore. It is not the place here to mention what transpired before we got on shore; that can be made the subject of a special report if necessary. Suffice it to say that finally the ammunition came on shore, and everyone went zealously to work to load up the battery with ammunition, draw rations and forage, and get in shape to move to the front. The battery was in shape and pulled out by 3 p.m., June 26, and marched to within a short distance of Siboney, and there bivouacked for the night. On June 27 we were again on march shortly after daylight, passed by Siboney, and thence on to the front, camping near General Wheeler’s headquarters beyond Sevilla. June 28, 29, and 30 were passed in this camp. On June 29, in the evening, orders were received to be ready to move at a momentıs notice in the morning. At daylight, July 1, we were therefore harnessed up and ready to move. At about 7 a. m. orders were received to proceed to and report at General Shafter’s headquarters at the front. This order was complied with, and my battery, in company with Battery K, First Artillery (Captain Best’s), was parked just off the road near these headquarters, and were here held in reserve for some hours, the exact time not taken. Finally, about noon, orders were received to move to the front. We then proceeded to and took position upon the hill near El Poso. From this position we could see San Juan Hill, and we were given it as our objective. Captain Best’s battery, on my right, followed by my battery, opened upon the entrenchments and so-called blockhouse upon the extremity of the hill, all clearly to be seen from our position. At this time our line of infantry was clearly to be seen lying down near the foot of San Juan Hill, and the enemy’s fire was plainly seen with field glasses coming from the entrenchments and blockhouse. My first shot was fired with a range of 2,450 yards, and was plainly seen to land in the enemyıs entrenchments; following this with another shot, at 2,475 yards, the shell again landed beyond the first, but in the entrenchments; the next shot, at 2,500 yards range, hit the blockhouse, and my last shot, at the same range, also hit the blockhouse. This firing was slow and deliberate, to be sure of the right range, and every shot was carefully watched to see it land; hence the knowledge as to just what each shot did. In the meantime captain Best’s battery also landed four shell in the entrenchments. I had obtained the range at which he intended to fire and purposely increased it so as to shoot and hit in some place beyond. These eight shots were all that were known to have been fired, as Captain Grimes's battery, on the right of Captain Best’s, was busy in refilling ammunition chests at the time, and was not firing. After my fourth shot I received the order to cease firing, and running out of the smoke again to get a clear view, I saw with my glasses, and also with the unaided eye, that our infantry had rushed upon and captured the position , and were swarming about the blockhouse. As I had stepped back into the smoke to reload after the fourth shot, and was busy reloading, I did not see the enemy abandon the position, nor our infantry when they made the charge up the hill. But it was all apparently done in but the few moments required for me to superintend the loading for the second round, the signal “cease firing” being given within but a moment or two after my last shot. Our infantry having captured the extremity of the hill and the blockhouse, there was no further firing possible at this objective. Orders were at first received to prepare for camp in this position upon El Paso Hill, and they were made accordingly. The guns were put in better position, the caissons parked under the protection of the hill, and a picket line was being prepared for the horses. Before this was finished, however, orders were received to move up to the front and take position with Captain Bestıs battery, which had been previously moved to the front, and had gone into action from the top of San Juan Hill. The battery was at once moved to the front, but before arriving there word was received to take another road, leading us finally to a ridge in rear of San Juan Hill. Here Captain Best’s battery was found upon this ridge, and my battery went into position on his left. The name of this ridge is unknown. It had evidently been the scene of an engagement earlier in the day, as dead bodies and spent shells were found upon it. Upon the crest to the right was a house, and near my position were two large iron cauldrons with a pipe line leading thereto. Under the hill was another house, in which were some of our killed and wounded, and behind it a small clearing in the woods, within which our horses and caissons were located. From this ridge it was impossible for our guns to be of any service. San Juan Hill was higher and but a short distance in our front, and completely hid the enemy. Consequently nothing could be done from this position. The battery remained in this position until shortly after midnight, and was then moved forward to the crest of San Juan Hill at its right-hand end, and there took position in company with Battery A, Second Artillery, on my right, and Battery K, First Artillery, on my left. Infantry rifle pits had been dug upon the crest of this ridge, and we were ordered to dig gun pits and be ready to bombard Santiago by daylight. These gun pits were dug, and the guns were in position according to orders long before daylight. As daylight opened and it was just about light enough to distinguish Santiago in the distance, the enemy opened fire upon us in our front, and the batteries replied with a fire of canister as long as it lasted, and then in my battery with shrapnel cut to zero. It was perfectly evident that the enemy had advanced, during the night or early dawn, under cover of the undergrowth and jungle that covered the Santiago side of San Juan Hill, and from this cover was pouring in a tornado of lead. Within a very short time after the opening of this fire I was twice wounded, and after the second wound, which broke my arm, was taken to a dressing station under the hill. After having my arm dressed, and being unable to go back to the battery, I remained at the dressing station until the firing was over. From my position I could and did watch the burst of shrapnel from the enemyıs guns. This shrapnel fire was all, or nearly all, too high, and with fuses cut too long, as it all burst beyond the crest of the hill where the batteries were placed. The bursts were about on a line with the dressing station; hence the fragments all passed beyond, and no fragments were heard to strike anywhere near us. Their only effect was to make the road from the rear dangerous to those advancing. After the firing was over I proceeded to the rear to the division hospital, had my arm dressed, and from there was sent to Siboney. At Siboney, finding the hospital crowded, I was sent on board the Iroquois with a party of officers and men able to travel, and proceeded to Key West, and from Key West to Port Tampa, and thence home upon leave of absence. Hence, I am unable to give anything further as to the operations of my battery. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, C. D. Parkhurst Captain, Second Artillery, Light Battery F.
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Civil War Sunday morning August
the .3. 1862
Dear Cousin
after long neglect I in deavor to answer your kind letter which came to hand in due time I hope you will excuse me for not writing sooner, as I was verry unwell for several days after I got your letter,
Note: Company D of the 38th Virginia Infantry in Whitmell.   3060 Reads  Printer-friendly page



World War I September 20, 1916 Dear Friend:- I sincerely hope these few lines find Mrs. Stanley and yourself in the best of health. I am feeling fine and fit at present. Since arriving in England I have been taken from the band and sent to school, taking machine gun and rifle courses as an Armourer. I have succeeded in passing the examinations on both. (This is a list; Savage Lewis; Colt and Maxim machine guns; Ross and Lee Enfield Rifles; Colt Automatic Pistol; Webley and Smith & Wesson Revolvers.) So you see it has taken a great deal of my time in studying, that's why I haven't written very many letters to anyone. I am at present working in Greenwich quite close to Woolwich Arsenal. We are reparing rifles and machine guns which have been sent back from France. I haven't been across yet, but don't know any day but what I may be sent. Most of our Batt. have been in action and we have lost several officers and men. I had the pleasure of seeing that Zepp. destroyed. It was a beautiful sight to see it falling in flames. It fell 20 miles from here, but you could have read the small print in The Journal 25 or 30 miles away, because of the light it cast. I am sending you an actual photograph, taken while it was falling and almost at the moment Lieut. Robinson signalled to the Aircraft guns to cease firing. I shall be able to tell you more about it when I come back to St. Mary's, which I hope won't be very long now. I have given you address of my home in South Wales as I don't know where I am likely to be a month from now. Mrs. Palmer arrived quite safely, but was a long time on the water. She is staying at my home at present. The weather here is very damp and cold. (In London only.) I shiver with my overcoat on. In other parts of England and Wales they have beautiful weather. Our workshop is situated alongside the river Thames, which is quite a sight at all times of the day and night now, to see the enormous amount of shipping which is going on. One thing more before I close. We used to read in the newspapers that the people of London were quite used to the Zepps. I didn't seem to be disturbed by them but I can assure you, Mr. Stanley, that it's a horrible feeling that comes over anyone, as we are helpless. Sometimes they reach a height of 3 miles and the humming of the propellor is like the sound of a big mosquito. They are expected anytime now as the weather is suitable for them and the reptile murderer in Berlin has made a threat that he will destroy London before the end of October. Now I must draw to a close this time. With kindest regards to Mrs. Stanley and yourself, from Yours Sincerely, CORP. A. E. Palmer No. 124444, P. S. Please remember me to all the boys of St. James' and St. Marys Lodge, also the Oddfellows when you see them, Mr. Stanley. 25 Hirvain St., Barry Dock, Nr. Cardiff, South Wales September 20, 1916
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